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All those new-condo buyers are drawn to neighborhoods with the best public schools—which are then nearly destroyed by new kids.


Illustration by Christopher Sleboda  

The Jesse Isador Straus School on West 70th Street, a.k.a. P.S. 199, is one of those places that give parents hope for the New York City school system. Its teachers and after-school programs take home awards every year. Most of the diverse student population meets or exceeds state requirements on standardized tests—and that’s in a “catchment” school, meaning it can’t be selective because anyone who lives on its turf can attend. The parents are active and present. West Siders who are straining to make their mortgages consider it a godsend, a way to avoid adding $20,000 in private-school tuition (per kid!) to the annual household budget. Needless to say, parents like Julie Mallin take serious pains to live within P.S. 199’s catchment (roughly speaking, the West Side from 64th to 72nd). When private-school applications failed to turn up a spot for her son, “I specifically moved into the neighborhood for P.S. 199,” she says.

But P.S. 199 is under siege. Its student population has doubled in seven years, to 587. Since the real-estate market began its relentless ascent in the mid-nineties, neighborhoods with decent schools like P.S. 199 have grown coveted—and crowded. There are rumors of lotteries and rezoning in many of these areas, and parents like Mallin are very, very unhappy to find, all of a sudden, that a seat in the nearest public school may not be a given.

New development is largely to blame. At P.S. 199, more than 10 percent of the students come from Riverside Boulevard high-rises that didn’t exist a decade ago. Seven more residential buildings are under construction nearby and will bring at least 1,000 more units. Those buildings are put together explicitly for families with children: At one of them—the Avery, at Riverside Boulevard and West 65th—166 of the 274 units have two or three bedrooms. A decent guess is that this building alone will plop 50 more children into elementary school over the next few years.

What happens then? In 2004, P.S. 199 gave up one of its two art studios to add a kindergarten class. A year later, it gave up its lauded universal pre-K programs. In 2006, it lost its science lab. One of the two occupational-and-physical-therapy classrooms was sacrificed, too—never mind that there were more kids who needed it. Even the faculty lounge is gone. “We can give permits for all these residential towers,” says Mallin, who co-chairs P.S. 199’s political-action committee, “but we don’t pay attention to the schools. Here we are at the forefront of the financial and cultural capital of the world, and I’m supposed to be okay that my kid can’t do science in a lab or art in a room? The school is a victim of its success.”

This is not just one district’s problem. In every neighborhood with a beloved school, classrooms are stuffed—the burden and blessing of a city whose residents no longer bolt for the suburbs when the kids are born. The Manhattan New School (P.S. 290) has reached 155 percent of its capacity as one condo after another rises in Yorkville. Park Slope’s William Penn School (P.S. 321) has seen its kindergarten classes grow by 20 percent. East 33rd Street’s Mary Lindley Murray School (P.S. 116) gained 77 students this year, many from the 32 apartment buildings put up in its catchment these past two years. “When I toured the school [last year], the class size was maybe 20 to 23 kids, totally within the city and union limits,” says one new Murray Hill mom. By the time her child started in September, there were 28 per class, eight more than the state recommends. “This is not what I thought I was getting into.” When the Con Ed site, on the East River from 35th Street to 41st, gets seven new high-rises in a few years, the school will be swamped. “If you don’t build schools, you’re pushing families out,” rails Mary Silver, a mother of two at P.S. 116. “These families have helped stabilize the city … the system is imploding.”

There has been only one extensive study of class size and its effects, but its results are hard to dispute. Project star tracked 12,000 students from kindergarten to eighth grade in Tennessee. Students in smaller classes (13 to 17 kids versus 22 to 25) scored better on tests, got higher grades, were less likely to be held back, and were likelier to graduate from high school than their peers. Middle- and high-schoolers saw modest gains, too. (There’s even a weird bit of evidence that they’ll live longer: Graduating from a high school with classes no larger than 17 adds 1.7 life years, says Peter Muennig, a Columbia University researcher who led a study just published in the American Journal of Public Health.)

The city’s Department of Education agrees, in principle. It plans to build 105 schools and expand others, and just got approval for a five-year class-size-reduction plan. And, inevitably, that’s not enough. A chunk of the $153 million budget will go to hires for work-arounds, like team teaching, to decrease teacher-student ratios. “All of these other things are guesswork, but smaller class sizes and pre-K programs are proven,” says Muennig. Most significant, says Leonie Haimson, executive director of the nonprofit activist group Class Size Matters, the plan adds only 63,000 new seats when the city needs nearly twice as many. Triage style, the plan is designed to first address problems in the worst-performing schools in the city. That’s a good thing, as it will tend to help the neediest kids, for whom public schools are vital, over those from middle-class families with more options. But it also means that schools like P.S. 199, which had been doing well, face deeper and deeper trouble.


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