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America’s Mayor: The Sequel

Bill de Blasio’s landslide has made him a beacon for liberals nationally. But does Park Slope really play in Peoria?

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Illustration by André Carrilho  

Bill de Blasio was late. This time it wasn’t his fault. State legislators lined up to shake hands and pose for photos with New York’s newest political star before allowing De Blasio to start his testimony. Then they wanted to share his televised spotlight, quizzing the mayor about his pre-K tax-the-rich plans until his appearance before Albany’s budget committees stretched nearly two and a half hours. Finally De Blasio was sent off, to a waiting pack of reporters, with a teasing farewell from Denny Farrell, the rascally octogenarian Democratic assemblyman.

“There’s a whole bunch of people waiting for you,” Farrell said with a sly chuckle.

“Are they friendly people?” De Blasio replied with a goofy heh heh heh.

In mid-December, in Washington, a group of fellow mayors-elect had let De Blasio take the lead in speaking to the press after a White House meeting with President Barack Obama. Now, in Albany, the mayor’s next meeting was an additional—if far more complicated—ratification of his soaring political stature. Governor ­Andrew Cuomo, instead of letting De Blasio come and go from his home turf without comment, had suddenly scheduled a joint press conference, ostensibly to advertise their common desire to save Brooklyn hospitals. The mayor, when he spoke, was careful to defer to the governor. But as the two sat elbow to elbow, grinning and backslapping with sincere affection, it was easy to wonder just whose show this really was.

In some ways it’s wildly out of proportion: By virtue of running and winning as the left-most candidate in a Democratic primary in a overwhelmingly Democratic city, Bill de Blasio has become a national figure. But politics is as much hype and art as it is science. And so De Blasio is now a beacon to liberals across the country. Which is why his local skirmish with Cuomo is about much more than how to fund prekindergarten expansion. It’s about competing visions of the Democratic Party, and it’s a foreshadowing of a tension that could shape the 2016 presidential primaries.

Some of the De Blasio effect is standard political flattery, the kind of thing that happens whenever a candidate wins an upset on a big stage. In New Orleans, two challengers to incumbent Mitch Landrieu peddled a “tale of two cities” (they lost anyway). Seattle’s new mayor, Ed Murray, is assembling an “income inequality committee” and pushing for a $15 minimum wage. The Newark City Council just passed a bill mandating paid sick leave; similar legislation is gaining ground in California, Massachusetts, Nebraska, Oregon, and Vermont. De Blasio fellow travelers are even turning up in red states: Republican governors in Alabama, Indiana, and New Mexico, in their 2014 State of the State speeches, trumpeted initiatives to spend more money on prekindergarten.

Were they all inspired by De Blasio? No. And De Blasio himself is as much egg as he is chicken, cannily capitalizing on a trend whose roots are in the 2008 financial meltdown, Occupy Wall Street, and the rise of Elizabeth Warren. Something was already happening out there. The question, especially for national Democrats, is how wide and deep the shift is and will be. Certainly the left is investing great hope in its new hero. “Bill de Blasio is now seen as the flagship for a potential urban-policy enlightenment,” says Adam Green, a co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, the ­million-member group that was a key early fund-raiser for Warren. “If he is ­successful at making New York benefit everyday, working-class people, that could have huge ripple effects, very quickly, across the nation.”

A significant indicator will come this fall, as Democrats try to hold on to their U.S. Senate majority. John Del Cecato, the De Blasio media strategist who crafted the famous “Dante” ad, is working on one of the more intriguing races, and his candidate is another populist from Brooklyn—Brooklyn, Iowa. Bruce Braley, currently a Democratic congressman, is running for the U.S. Senate seat being vacated by Tom Harkin, and the race will turn on Iowa-centric issues. But Braley will provide an interesting test of how progressive themes play in the heartland.

Top national Democrats dismiss the idea that De Blasio’s priorities are now driving the political agenda. “We’re still focused on economic fairness and opportunity for the middle class,” one strategist says. The executive director of the Democratic Senate Campaign Committee, Guy Cecil, points out that every contest has its own dynamics, and that the specifics of De Blasio’s playbook aren’t readily ­transferable. “In most of our races, it’s not necessarily about creating balance by raising taxes in the way that De Blasio is doing it,” Cecil says. “The prescription for the problem isn’t the same.” Instead, he stresses traditional Democratic political talismans like preserving Medicare and Social Security. Yet Cecil says that De ­Blasio’s message is very much in sync with what’s happening nationally. “I do think, overall, there is a common theme about people who are at or near the poverty line, and those who are squarely in the middle class, are getting the raw end of the deal,” Cecil says. Where De Blasio harped on affordable housing, he says, Senate candidates are highlighting “pocket­book issues” like college loans that resonate with target constituencies, like Latino voters. “I don’t know that an ­election in New York City is having any impact on this conversation, as much as it might be reflecting where the larger country is,” Cecil says, “which is that we are seeing the stock market rise, and we’re seeing business starting to grow, and GDP starting to improve—and at the same time there are a lot of Americans who in their daily lives are not seeing the benefit.”


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