Skip to content, or skip to search.

Skip to content, or skip to search.

True Compass

With a bold position on Afghanistan, John Kerry could rightly claim Ted Kennedy’s mantle as the conscience of the U.S. Senate.

ShareThis

Illustration by Demetrios Psillos  

The Obama era began for John Kerry with a thud of disappointment. Not long after Election Day 2008, Kerry flew out to Chicago for a secret job interview with the new president-elect for the post of secretary of State. Kerry badly wanted the job, and Barack Obama knew it, but he also knew that he’d already more or less settled on offering the gig to Hillary Clinton. Kerry had been among the first senators to endorse Obama in his tussle with Clinton for the Democratic nomination. Obama and his team felt they owed the Massachusetts senator the courtesy of allowing him to make his case. Reading Obama’s body language, Kerry sensed that the meeting was perfunctory and left convinced that he was out of luck. The next day, Clinton arrived in Chicago for a secret session of her own with Obama—and the rest is history.

Kerry, of course, is no stranger to disappointment; losing State to Clinton was a minor scuff compared with the body blow of losing the race for the presidency four years earlier to George W. Bush. Even so, it would have been easy for Kerry to skulk back to the Senate and sulk his way through Obama’s term. Instead, Kerry has embraced his senatorial role with new vigor, emerging as arguably the most important Democrat in the upper chamber, and certainly its most influential voice on two of the most pressing issues of the moment: energy/climate change and the war in Afghanistan.

On both matters, Kerry’s preferred policies—and the administration’s—have taken some major hits in recent days, as Senate Democrats shelved their effort to enact cap-and-trade legislation before the midterms and the WikiLeaks document dump further undermined the already fast-eroding support for America’s military engagement in Afghanistan. On each, the stakes could not be higher or the need for leadership more urgent, and not just from the White House but also on Capitol Hill. For Kerry, the crises present a challenge and an opportunity: a shot at redemption and a chance to seize the mantle of his dearly departed friend and mentor, Ted Kennedy.

It was Kennedy who came to Kerry after his defeat in 2004 and urged him to put aside his presidential regrets and focus his energies on the Senate, just as Teddy had done after his failed challenge of Jimmy Carter in 1980. “He described his own transformation and his journey,” Kerry told me recently as we sat in his quarters in the Russell Senate Office Building. “He said to me, ‘Being president is not the only way to make a contribution. It’s not the only way to get done some of the things you want to try to get done.’ ”

But Kerry at first found returning to the Senate a crashing letdown. “When I lost the presidency, and I went from one state [Ohio] away from being president to being the chairman of the Small Business Committee the next day—yeah, it’s a difference,” Kerry said with a wry chuckle. “Chris Dodd [later] joked to me, ‘I didn’t even make it out of Iowa, and I have trouble coming back!’ ”

What changed between then and now were two things. The first was Kerry’s decision not to run again for president in 2008, with its tacit acknowledgment that he would never occupy the Oval Office. (His next chance would be in 2017, when he will be 73.) The second was the overhaul of the Senate’s composition after Obama’s election. With the elevation of Joe Biden, Kerry ascended to the chair of the Foreign Relations Committee; with the exit of Clinton and the death of Kennedy, two of the upper chamber’s dominant figures were gone, leaving a void for Kerry to fill. “There’s a certain sense you get after a while in this business of something called ripeness,” he said. “There was a ripeness to this moment, where certain issues and my capacity within the Senate came together—and I wasn’t going to let it pass.”

For a lot of people, the fact that climate change is one of those issues comes as a surprise. Yet Kerry has been a player on environmental policy for almost as long as, if less volubly than, Al Gore has—from having a hand in the Clean Air Act of 1990 to attending every big international global-warming conference since Rio in 1992. Starting this past October, he took the lead, with Joe Lieberman and Lindsey Graham, in trying to fashion a bi-partisan bill to put a price on carbon. Kerry’s labors to that end included conducting some 300 meetings or calls. Harry Reid, the Senate majority leader, remarked the other day that “no one has worked harder on any piece of legislation in my entire legislative career than Senator Kerry has worked on this.”


Related:

Advertising
Current Issue
Subscribe to New York
Subscribe

Give a Gift

Advertising