Skip to content, or skip to search.

Skip to content, or skip to search.

The War War

According to the Romney campaign, the president has declared hostilities against just about everything Americans hold dear. And the Obamans are firing back. Duck.


Illustration by Oliver Munday  

Barack Obama has been accused of many sins, but among the most common Republican charges against him is that he is a warmonger—though not in the usual sense of the term, of course. Just since the turn of the New Year, conservatives have inveighed against Obama for prosecuting a “war on oil,” a “war on coal” (with an attendant “war on Appalachia”), and a “war on energy”; a “war on religion,” a “war on the Vatican,” and a “war on the Catholic Church”; a “war on the Supreme Court” and a “war on the U.S. Constitution”; and, according to a new book co-authored by anti-tax zealot Grover Norquist, a “war on jobs and growth.”

Even against this background of promiscuous martial-metaphorizing, however, few would have predicted that Mitt Romney would spend his first full day as a general-election candidate assailing Obama for waging—wait for it—a war on women. Or that the next day, after the kerfuffle involving Democratic strategist Hilary Rosen erupted, Romney’s people would attack Obama for inciting a “war on moms.” And for engaging in “class warfare” with the Buffett Rule. And for stoking a “war on reality” for … who knows? But while Democrats may tut-tut and shake their heads, they are hardly innocent here. It was the left, after all, that introduced the war-on-women lingo to the political vernacular in the first place.

Phony wars are nothing new in presidential politics, to be sure, but rarely have they been this dimwitted, dishonest, debasing, or, when it comes to what the months between now and November hold in store, so utterly depressing. And yet as dismaying as last week was, it was also revealing of the terrain and tactics that will define the general election—with Chicago relentlessly touting economic fairness and seeking to exacerbate Romney’s weaknesses with key constituencies such as women, and with Boston talking economic opportunity and scrambling to rehab its man’s battered image with those same groups. The Democratic side is the favorite in this fight, no doubt. But there are signs amid the skirmishing that the Republican team can’t be counted out just yet.

Let’s start with the scrap over the Buffett Rule, and tax policy more broadly. On the former, Obama has proposed (in a bill that the Senate will take up this week but is almost certain not to pass) that incomes over $1 million be taxed at an effective rate of 30 percent. On the latter, he pledges to allow the Bush tax cuts for families making more than $250,000 to expire at the end of the year. These are the plans that Romney and his allies characterize as class warfare—plans motivated by “the president’s priority of income redistribution,” as Karl Rove put it, and “designed to be punitive” to the successful, as top Romney surrogate John Sununu chimed in.

On the merits, of course, the claims are ludicrous to the point of being laughable. It’s often (and rightly) pointed out that, with respect to the Bush tax cuts, what the Obamans want is a return to the Clinton-era tax rates—but only for the top 2 percent of filers. The Buffett Rule would affect even fewer people: the 0.08 percent of taxpayers, according to calculations by Citizens for Tax Justice, who earn most of their income through capital gains. And, though raising the tax rate on those gains to 30 percent would be a doubling of the rate that currently obtains, it would still be 5 percent lower than it was after the 1986 tax reform ushered in by (and venerated by conservative fans of) the sainted Ronald Reagan. Who knew the Gipper was a class warrior too?

In truth, Obama’s tax plans are designed to be punitive only in one sense and toward one person: politically for Romney, whose refusal to release more than one year of his tax returns (despite having handed over 23 years’ worth to John ­McCain as part of his V.P. vetting in 2008) has become a prime target for Chicago. Why? Because the Obamans suspect that Romney’s returns would show that over many years he has engaged in an aggressive strategy of tax avoidance—perhaps perfectly legal but still illustrating his out-of-touchness. As Joe Biden asked a New Hampshire audience at a speech last week, “How many of you all have a Swiss bank account?”

But the politics of Obama’s tax platform and his wider argument in favor of economic fairness aren’t clearly in his favor. According to a recent poll released by centrist Democratic group Third Way, 42 percent of independents and 43 percent identified as “swing independents” (those who remain undecided) agree with the statement, “We need an economy based on fairness, where the rich pay their fair share, corporations play by the rules, and all Americans get a fair shot.” By contrast, 47 and 51 percent of those groups agree with the assertion, “We need an economy based on opportunity, where hard work is rewarded, the government lives within its means, and economic growth is our top priority.” And by wide majorities, both groups say that fixing the budget deficit is more important than reducing income inequality. All of which reaffirms the one soft spot for Obama in other national polls: For all Romney’s troubles, he is running roughly even with the incumbent on the issues of jobs, the economy, and putting the nation’s fiscal house in order.


Current Issue
Subscribe to New York

Give a Gift