Skip to content, or skip to search.

Skip to content, or skip to search.

New Yorkers for Kerry

Local pols have been jumping on the front-runner’s bandwagon faster than you can say “double-digit lead.” So what if they once backed Dean? And Clark?


Charles Rangel is comfortable in the role of kingmaker, and on a recent morning, he was playing the part with gusto. It was Monday, February 23, and Rangel was backstage in the Alhambra Ballroom in Harlem, waiting to make a grand entrance with the man standing by his side—John Kerry.

In the main room, an audience of 200 and a stageful of elected officials and local potentates waited patiently. These were Rangel’s people, the men and women he would proudly deliver for Kerry as the national media looked on.

The crowd erupted as Rangel strode forth with Kerry in tow. The congressman carefully positioned himself in front of the candidate and the officials—fellow members of congress, city councilmen, labor bosses. Clutching a mike, he lowered his voice solemnly as he accused Bush of “stealing an election from us in Florida,” eviscerated Bush’s economic record, and lampooned his “mission accomplished” flight suit.

“When someone parades around saying he’s a war president, it’s time for the Democratic Party to get a warrior,” Rangel said, his voice rising to a crescendo. “Someone who has three Purple Hearts . . . I’m telling you, when your kids and grandkids ask you, ‘When they were trying to steal our flag away from us, what did you do?,’ remember today. Right here in central Harlem, you have greeted the next president of the United States, a war hero—Senator John Kerry!” Thunderous applause.

There was just one problem. Only a few months earlier, Rangel had twisted the arms of these same officials for another politician-warrior: Wesley Clark. A scant few weeks ago, Rangel had explained his backing for Clark in startlingly similar terms: “I need a general.” He also said, “I don’t want to get out there with a loser”—presumably meaning that all the other candidates, Kerry included, were losers. But then Kerry the loser had become the front-runner, and if the general had to give way to a swift-boat lieutenant, well, no big deal. The bottom line was that Rangel wanted to be seen delivering an army of foot soldiers to the eventual nominee. Clark, Kerry, whoever.

In the days leading up to March 2—when the Massachusetts senator will face off against John Edwards in New York and the nine other Super Tuesday states—Rangel and just about every other member of the city’s Democratic Establishment began scrambling wildly to get behind the front-runner. A wide swath of big fund-raisers, elected officials, labor chiefs, and tinpot county leaders have jumped aboard the Real Deal Express. Besides Rangel, there’s Eliot Spitzer, Alan Hevesi, Gifford Miller, and more than half of the New York congressional delegation. And by the time you read this, labor leader Dennis Rivera may be on board as well.

What’s remarkable about this sudden stampede is that just a couple months back, many of these same people wrote off Kerry as a Dead Pol Walking. The New York Democratic elites—with the exception of neutral politicians like Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer—had been split between Howard Dean and Wes Clark. Dean had won over high-profile officials and union heads, while Clark had some operatives and Fifth Avenue donors connected to the Clintons, plus a few legislators corralled by Rangel.

Indeed, aside from a few local Dems, like Mark Green and Carolyn Maloney, and national fund-raisers like Blair Effron and Robert Zimmerman, nobody wanted anything to do with Kerry. Last winter, when Kerry took out a loan on his house to refinance his comatose campaign, it was mainly because he’d been abandoned by big New York donors. “When I called friends for contributions to Kerry in December, the few who gave did it out of sympathy for me,” Zimmerman says.

Current Issue
Subscribe to New York

Give a Gift